Appendix A
Statements of National Planning Policy, December 2022 – December 2023
On 6 December 2022 the Secretary of State for Levelling Up and Regeneration made a written ministerial statement (WMS UIN HCWS415)) which included the following:
I do believe that the plan-making process for housing has to start with a number. This number should, however, be an advisory starting point, a guide that is not mandatory. It will be up to local authorities, working with their communities, to determine how many homes can actually be built, taking into account what should be protected in each area – be that our precious Green Belt or national parks, the character of an area, or heritage assets…. My changes will instruct the Planning Inspectorate that they should no longer override sensible local decision making, which is sensitive to and reflects local constraints and concerns. Overall this amounts to a rebalancing of the relationship between local councils and the Planning Inspectorate, and give local communities a greater say in what is built in their neighbourhood.
Where authorities are well advanced in producing a new plan but…. the amount of land to be released needs to be assessed, I will give those places a two year period to revise their plan against the changes we propose and to get it adopted. And while they are doing this, we will also make sure that these places are less at risk of speculative development by reducing the amount of land they need to show is available.
These reforms will help to deliver enough of the right homes in the right places and will do that by promoting development that is beautiful, that comes with the right infrastructure, that is done democratically with local communities rather than to them, that protects and improves our environment, and that leaves us with better neighbourhoods than before.
On 24 July 2023 the Secretary of State and the Prime Minister both made announcements about the long term plan for housing. These pointed out that
- Cities are where the demand for houses is greatest. Urban regeneration should be prioritised, rather than swallowing up virgin land…’that is why we will enable brownfield development rather than green belt erosion, sustainable growth rather than suburban sprawl’.
- There should be ‘a move away from land-hungry destruction of natural habitats in favour of a more efficient regeneration of our cities’.
- In recent years the rates of house building in rural areas have been greater than in urban areas…Development of cities would reduce average commuting times, improve productivity and quality of life, and help with climate change.
The Prime Minister’s press release included the following statements:
- Rather than concreting over the countryside, the government will focus on prioritising building in inner-city areas where demand is highest and growth is being constrained
- At the heart of this is making sure we build beautiful and empower communities to have a say in the development in their area.
- Community support is vital in making these plans a success
On 26 October 2023 The Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities issued a press release to accompany the Levelling Up and Regeneration Bill, which became law on that day. The statement referred to the revitalisation of high streets and transformation of town centres, putting local people at the heart of development. It included the following paragraph:
“The Act will ensure the homes we need are built where they are needed in urban areas rather than concreting over the countryside, which is why the Act will enhance our national network of beautiful, nature-rich protected landscapes that can be enjoyed right across the country.”
In his speech at RIBA on 19 December 2023, The Secretary of State said,
“The new National Planning Policy Framework confirms that the standard method of assessing housing need…. remains the basis on which communities should plan for new homes. It has always been the case that this number was supposed to be advisory for local authorities…. Those local authorities that have sought to vary the number in order to take account of the need to protect the Green belt or other areas of environmental, heritage or aesthetic importance have found the Planning Inspectorate invincibly attached to the number first thought of, with only very few exceptions. The new NPPF now, more clearly, upholds the spirit of the original intention. Local authorities have the comfort of knowing they need not redraw the green belt or sacrifice protected landscapes to meet housing numbers.”
He goes on to say that this approach cannot be a route to the evasion of responsibilities. “Local authorities must provide rigorous evidence justifying their departure from assessed housing need… they must do everything to identify other land suitable for development….”
The revised National Planning Framework was debated in Parliament on 23 January 2024. In responding to the MP who secured the debate, Dame Maria Millar, the Minister for Housing, Planning and Building Safety made the following points:
- The update of the [NPPF] builds on the Levelling-Up and Regeneration Act 2023 and seeks to promote the building of the right homes in the right places with the right infrastructure which will ensure that the environments protected and and will give local people a greater say on where, and where not, to place development.
- Local authorities should be in no doubt that the standard method is a starting point for local authorities in assessing what to plan for and that it does not set a mandatory target.
- Cases for exceptional circumstances can be made, local authorities should weigh up making them and, if they feel they have a reasonable, proportionate and clear case [that can be made] through the Planning Inspectorate process, they should do so for the good of the communities they seek to serve.
- The revised NPPF now sets out that there may be situations where higher urban densities would be wholly out of character with the existing area, and that that could be a strong reason why significantly uplifting densities would be inappropriate
- Up to date local plans will no longer have to demonstrate a five-year land supply. There is additional flexibility where local authorities are doing the right thing in getting their plans in place and making sure they are retained
- With regard to transitional arrangements, different local authorities will be in different places and will have to work out precisely how to consider them
Appendix B
20-Minute Neighbourhoods
Part 1
20-Minute Neighbourhoods: Strategy, Site Selection and Sustainability
Chapter 3 of the local plan contains an extended passage devoted to the concept of the 20 -minute neighbourhood. The plan claims that “building on the concept of the 20-minute neighbourhood, access to services and facilities forms an important part of the site selection process which has been used to determine the most suitable and sustainably located sites for allocation within the district.” This concept therefore is crucial to the selection of Option 2 as the preferred strategy; it is also used to justify the selection of particular sites, including DPSC3 ‘Land to the south of Reeds Lane’, and make the case for its sustainability. (We should add here that the plan also refers to the concept of ‘local living’. There is no separate definition or explanation of this, and it appears to be used interchangeably in the plan with ‘20-minute neighbourhoods’).
The planning authority has quoted extensively but very selectively from the Town and Country Planning Association guide. This explains that the concept is based on learning from Paris, Melbourne and Portland: it takes its name from research which concluded that people would be prepared to walk 20 minutes in total – i.e. no more than 10 minutes to their chosen destination, and 10 minutes back. At its heart are three related ideas: ‘complete, compact and connected’.
Complete, Compact and Connected
Complete refers to the idea that everything people need for day to day living is closely and easily available. Some of these things are the responsibility of the State, and can be put in place, but others, crucially shopping, businesses, and social and leisure activities which depend on restaurants and cafes, cannot be provided in the same way. 20-minute neighbourhoods can help to revive and grow what’s there, but cannot deliver completeness from an empty site.
Compact is explained in the plan in terms of density. “In general, it is easier and more cost effective to provide facilities and services in denser areas… The advantage of more dense areas is that a wider range of facilities and services can be located closer together.” (Section 1.2, Page 8). This makes good sense in towns and cities. But DPSC3 is one of the situations envisaged by the revised NPPF, which recognises that higher urban densities can be wholly out of character with the existing area, and significantly uplifting densities would be inappropriate.
Connected in this context means that people within the neighbourhood can use ‘active travel’ (for example walking or cycling) to connect easily with the services and facilities they need or want to access. Although the neighbourhood would aim to be ‘complete’, some of these services – for example a railway station – may require further travel. But even in these cases, the active travel option will need to be convenient. If people see their residence as no more than a convenient base for commuting, they are unlikely to use active travel by instinct. And if the services and facilities they lack (such as a station) are some distance away, they will default to the car as their means of accessing them. In addition, the DPSC3 site is bounded by narrow rural roads without cycle paths and pavements which are heavily used by commercial traffic who have no alternative routes. This will make it very difficult to provide ‘safe, accessible, inclusive streets’.
A Concept for Urban Growth and Renewal
The international examples – which is where the concept originated – are all drawn from cities. It is no surprise to learn that the alternative name for the 20-minute neighbourhood is the 15 minute city. The UK examples in the guide – Southampton, Manchester, London – are all from cities. And a powerful theme running through the guide is that of regeneration and transformation of what already exists. This approach will help to improve high streets and neighbourhoods which have declined…keep jobs and money local…support existing small business….turn roads and streets back to walking areas.
Section 2 of the guide describes the features of 20-minute neighbourhoods. The authority rely on this in their own references to the concept, not least because each section has a paragraph headed When planning new large scale developments. We must point out that these sections are to be understood in the context of neighbourhoods in an urban setting. There is nothing here to suggest that this text applies to rural sites, and indeed the countryside is considered separately where two options – the connection of a number of villages, and the transformation of market towns, are discussed.
Urban Extensions
The examples of urban extensions featured in the guide – Great Sankey, Whitehill and Bordon, and Brooklands – are all alongside or part of existing towns. It is important to be very clear about what an urban extension actually is, because the authority misapplies this term to DPSC3, as part of their case for sustainability. An urban extension means that a twenty minute neighbourhood is added to an existing town by means of a site which is directly adjacent to it. The neighbourhood is able to draw on the range of services in the town, and because it is literally next door it can meet the criteria of being complete, compact and connected.
Twenty Minute Neighbourhoods in the Country
But there is a section, 4.3, entitled ‘Applying the 20 minute neighbourhood idea to villages and rural areas’. It takes up 2 pages in an 85 page guide. The example given is Hailsham, in East Sussex, where local people, responding to a district council-proposed development remarkably like DPSC3, took the initiative to create a vision for a 10-minute town instead. Hailsham has a population of c.20,000 and is a civic centre in its own right. Not, therefore, an example which can provide evidence to support such a development on a rural site.
But the guide also says, “The other approach, more suited to rural areas with small villages and no towns, is to create a network of villages that collectively provide what most people need for their daily lives, joined by active travel arrangements. This idea has been developed in the award- winning VeloCity project.” If we follow the reference and explore this in more detail, we find the following. Crucially, the vision is sponsored by the Blenheim estate, who own the land – and provide a lot of the employment – where the villages are based. Already, therefore, there is a sense of unity by being part of a single estate. But the idea itself is of better networking between expanded villages – there is no suggestion that 2,000 houses will be dropped in a bloc on the green fields of Blenheim. In the context of Mid Sussex, a translation might be that Albourne – and Sayers Common – and Goddards Green – and Fulking – and Poynings – if they had a shared sense of identity, could be linked by green travel arrangements, each having proportionate development. This is not evidence to support DPSC3.
There is considerable interest in the use of the 20-minute neighbourhood concept in rural areas in Scotland. But in all these cases, the focus is on providing support to isolated communities, not delivering massive new housing developments – and even in these more modest examples, there is considerable scepticism as to whether the concept is applicable at all.
Part 2
Principles for Success
- Section 3.1 – “A compelling vision, well communicated…. – a vision which is understood and agreed by most of the population.. Introducing 20-minute neighbourhoods within existing places involves changing the places in which people live – and change can be difficult. Unless there is a well understood, compelling and attractive vision for the future of the neighbourhood – a vision which is understood and agreed by most of the population – the multi-faceted transformation that may be required will just not happen.”
This vision does not exist. There is nothing for local people to understand and agree. A soundbite has been imposed, and bolstered after Regulation 18 consultation by lifting partial text from the TCPA guide. The local plan has provided a long list of facilities to be provided, but in aggregate they are simply not affordable; and in any case, by themselves they fall well short of what it would take to make a sustainable community. Instead, parishes are now being offered workshops with the developer, and the appointment of a community development officer.
- Section 3.2 “Strong, inspiring leadership. The places that have successfully introduced 20-minute neighbourhoods tend to have strong, inspiring and very visible political leadership.” There is no local champion for this development. Both local MPs opposed the scheme at the Regulation 18 consultation. The two main parishes affected are consistent in their opposition. When we speak to district councillors, they shrug their shoulders, look embarrassed, and say there is no alternative. The deputy CEO of the Council, who heads the planning function, regards this development as a sacrifice local people must make.
- Section 3.3 “It is important to engage with residents as early as possible. Communities should be given as much time as they need and provided with as much as possible of the resources they require in order to help shape proposals.” There has been no effective engagement with local communities; no time allowed (although there have been long periods of silence in the plan making process when the Council could have engaged in these activities); and, of course, no offer of resource.
- Section 3.3 – “Empowered Communities.The concept should be supported by a majority of the population – indeed it should be community led”. The scheme has been imposed on local people and attracted more objections than any other in the plan at Regulation 18 consultation. The test is not – how many people object to this? But – why has no-one actively supported it?
- Section 3.4 – “The use of qualitative data from interviews with residents is vital to understanding how people perceive the area – which places they like, or dislike, and why; what facilities are missing; and how far people in the particular community are willing to walk.” There has been no detailed assessment of the needs of the community, expressed by themselves. Instead, they have been told what is good for them.
Appendix C
Sustainability Appraisal
The National Planning Policy Framework requires planning authorities to prepare an appropriate strategy, taking into account the reasonable alternatives, based on proportionate evidence; in law, the Planning and Compulsory Purchase Act 2004 requires authorities to undertake a sustainability appraisal. The Mid Sussex local plan includes a sustainability appraisal which claims to be transparent, robust and thorough (P.xxi). Our analysis, however, shows that
- an important feature of the local plan – a commitment to embrace the principles of the 20 minute neighbourhood – has not been carried through into the appraisal;
- the scoring definitions are unworkable;
- the assessments themselves are inconsistent and partial, and if all options were treated fairly Option 1, not Option 2 would be preferred; and
- three of the four alternatives chosen are not reasonable.
The appraisal appears to be an off-the-shelf template adapted to support the client’s (Mid Sussex) preferred answer, rather than an assessment which responds to the strategic intentions of the plan, provides clear, consistent analysis, and uses transparent scoring.
The authority has not, therefore, met this aspect of the ‘Justified’ test.
1. Principles of the 20-Minute Neighbourhood
The appraisal references these principles as the basis for determining sustainability: “To achieve sustainable development, the DPR has adopted the concept of 20-minute neighbourhoods which provide a framework for new developments…” (P.13). We could expect, therefore, to find that the main elements of the concept – that developments should be compact, connected and complete – would be a guiding theme of the appraisal; this would be reflected accurately in the determination of spatial options; and the distinguishing feature – that what people need should be accessible within a ten minute walk – would be built into the scoring definitions.
Instead, we find no mention of these elements. In fact one of them – ‘compact’ – is identified as undesirable. The TCPA guide (Section 1.2) says, “The density of homes and buildings is important, and, in general, it is easier and more cost-effective to provide facilities and services in denser areas… The advantage of more dense areas is that a wide range of facilities can be located closer together, and, provided there are high-quality connections between these places, people are more likely to walk or travel actively”. But in section 3.4.1 of the sustainability appraisal (Housing) we read, “When striving for sustainable development, housing density should be considered carefully. High population densities can limit the accessibility of local key services such as hospitals, supermarkets, and open spaces, including playgrounds and sports fields. High population densities also influence perceptions of safety, social interactions, and community stability.”
The unfortunate impression this creates is that the authority has commissioned a study they haven’t bothered to read carefully themselves, from an organisation which hasn’t done its homework properly – but the serious point underlying it is that the appraisal is confused about the standards which it should be using to determine sustainability. Similarly, the appraisal fails to take account of community engagement, the need for an urban setting for or next to the neighbourhood, and a meaningful measure of ‘completeness’, in assessing the plan’s policies.
Now we turn to the assumptions underpinning the assessment criteria. Section 3.4 describes these. In general, the report references ‘Barton et al (2010)’ as the authority on sustainable distances. But this is not the standard the planning authority has committed itself to use: Barton has been superseded by the more recent TCPA guide. If the principles of the 20 minute neighbourhood are to be followed, then the ‘impact’ triggers for Health and Wellbeing, Education, Climate Change and Transport, Economic Regeneration and Economic Growth all need to be revised, leading to a significant change in the scoring of each option.
Finally, we should point out that the logic of the planning authority’s approach requires consideration of a spatial option which uses the 20-minute neighbourhood concept as its strategic frame. If this were done, the option would include proportionate development in settlements; urban regeneration and use of brownfield sites; and a limited number of urban extensions to the main towns. Its absence is a further sign of the disconnect between the main text of the plan and the sustainability appraisal.
2. Scoring Definitions
Section 3.3 contains the Impact Significance key (Table 3-9, Page 36) which combines ‘sensitivity’ and ‘magnitude’ into a single value, and provides the definitions which sit behind the scoring system of major and minor negative or positive. To say this scoring system is crude is an understatement. We take the negative score definitions as our example. The definition for ‘major negative’ begins by setting a standard of damage on a national or international scale, or a diminishing of a very high quality receptor, which we might think should be comparatively rare. But the scale definition then mixes this with an outcome in which the damage ‘is unable to be entirely mitigated’. Against that measure, it will be very easy to allocate a ‘major negative’ to a large number of the sites assessed in the appraisal, across a large number of criteria – because ‘entirely’, of course, means fully, totally, absolutely, completely. The range within the metric is too great to allow meaningful application.
The definition of ‘minor negative’ is equally unusable. This score is to be awarded if the option in question – literally – ‘doesn’t quite fit’, or has a bad impact which hasn’t even been recognised in the plan. Fitness, and undesignated yet recognised local receptors are clearly subjective. And these major and minor scores are the only two points on both sides of the appraisal scale. There is no intermediate grading of scores which would allow a sensible assessment to be made. So, if these definitions can’t be applied meaningfully to an assessment of the strategic options, what are the metrics which are used? As we show below in our consideration of the housing policy, these are not defined simply and clearly, or applied consistently and fairly.
3. Inconsistent and Partial Assessments
All we have to justify the allocation of scores to spatial options is a mix of narrative text and summary descriptions in tables, which often contradict each other. Appendix A contains the appraisal of the spatial options. If we take housing, and look at Table A-4, Option 2 is the only one to score a major positive (++), and it is easy to see that housing is the sole determinant of overall preference because Option 2 scores poorly on other criteria, but is the only one of all the five options to be awarded (++). However Table A-5, which goes into greater detail for each option, says that both Option 1 and Option 2 have the potential to meet the identified housing need – and yet Option 1 is awarded only a +/- score for housing. Now, the definition of this score (Page 37 in the main document) is : “It is entirely uncertain whether impacts would be positive or adverse”. Its application to Option One for housing is therefore meaningless. Bear in mind that the only objective being assessed here is the ability to produce housing numbers of the right mix, rather than the effect of the option on environmental, economic or other considerations which are assessed separately in the appraisal. Since it has the potential to achieve the housing number, the only possible score for Option 1 here is a major positive.
Why has this not been given? The text below Table A-4 says that this is because there could be development in the High Weald ONB under Option 1. But, buried away in Table A-3 we find that Option 2 would also allow limited growth in protected landscapes. In fact, development would be limited in both cases by the overarching principle “Protection of Designated Landscapes” – and should have ensured equal treatment in the assessment.
Although the argument is never marshalled in one place, Option 2’s score is in fact driven by the fact that it generates a surplus over plan (Section A.3: feasibility of options, text Page A-8)) and by deliverability (Section A.5 Section 2 Assessment Page A-16). But the generation of a surplus was never identified as a criterion for assessment. And we are told in section 3.4.15 of the main document that “One factor which is not reflected in the SA scoring is the likelihood of implementation”, which is left for other assessments including the site assessments. But it has, in fact, been used to justify the preference for Option 2 here. As the Secretary of State has pointed out, it is relatively easy to develop greenfield sites. But that does not mean they are the right place to build.
This inconsistency and partiality occurs elsewhere. What is clear is that no option on its own can meet the planning number, in the authority’s view. The definitions of the options are applied rigorously to their housing potential in Options 1, 3, 4 and 5. A problem with Option 1, for example (Section A.3, Page A-7/8), is that some settlements which do have a need for housing have insufficient sites, whereas others with no need have plenty of sites. Continuing with this option, we are told, would not be achievable (? means ‘would not achieve the planning number’?) “since it would not enable sufficient sites to be allocated to meet housing need within the district”. We have the same strict application to Option 4, where proportionate growth across other settlements is strictly excluded and Option 5, because there are “limited brownfield sites available within the reasonable alternatives identified”. A review of Table A-4 shows that all bar Option 3 score better than Option 2 on other criteria. And so the rules need to be bent in favour of Option 2: in the conclusion we learn that it is the preferred option because “it will incorporate elements of Option 1 to continue growth at existing sustainable settlements where available sites allow.” So Option 2 is also unable to deliver the required planning number, and must rely on Option 1. But the reverse – Option 1 to be allowed to incorporate elements of Option 2 – is not permitted.
Finally, we look at section 4 (SA Findings for the Plan Spatial Options) in the main document. In Table 4-1, the principle “Growth at existing sustainable settlements” scores a ‘double plus’ for housing. It looks very like Option 1, which “maintains the existing spatial strategy … with proportionate growth across the hierarchy of settlements”. But, as we have seen, Option One bizarrely scores a ‘plus/minus’ on housing. The fourth principle, “Opportunities for extensions, to improve sustainability of existing settlements that are currently less sustainable”, scores a ‘plus/minus’ on housing in 4-1. It looks very like Option 2: “Growth to support the sustainability potential of existing smaller settlements”, which of course scores a ‘double plus’. With confusions and mistakes like this, the appraisal has no credibility.
4. Reasonable Alternatives
There is no definition of what a reasonable alternative option is: the appraisal records simply that the number of options has been expanded following responses in the previous consultation. We offer our own definition, therefore: an option is reasonable if a) it offers a realistic prospect of allowing the district to achieve its objectively assessed housing need; and b) it is not in conflict with the 4 principles enunciated on Page 57 of the appraisal. Reasonable alternatives will, of course, vary in their performance against the full range of criteria, but that after all is the purpose of the assessment, allowing the selection of the best fit.
What do we find? We have already noted that Option 1 is assessed as having the potential to meet the need, as well as scoring highly on a number of other criteria. Option 2, as we have seen, gets a higher score on deliverability grounds, which is not a formal part of the methodology, and otherwise scores poorly. However, the remaining options fail to pass the ‘reasonable’ test, in the planning authority’s own view. Option 3, we read, is not supported by the neighbouring district Horsham; the site promoter has withdrawn it; and there are water neutrality problems. Option 4 proposes that development should be concentrated in the three main towns in the district. It is certainly our contention that the plan pays insufficient attention to these opportunities which are entirely consistent with – indeed, the main opportunity for – the development of 20-minute neighbourhoods, but we agree with the authority that this alone could not achieve the housing number. The authority knows it too, and has told us as much in correspondence. The same is true of Option 5. The text below table A-2 in this appendix says, “Mid Sussex has limited brownfield sites available for development- only 12% of the district is within a Defined Built-up Area”. If they know this, why do they regard it as a reasonable alternative? The inevitable conclusion is that the appraisal has been boosted by unreasonable alternatives to allow a weak option to be preferred.
5. Conclusion
Failure to have a 20-minute neighbourhood spatial option which aligns with the plan…boiler-plate text about density of housing at odds with the authority’s preferred strategy… the use of ‘industry standard’ metrics for travel rather than the authority’s chosen standard of the 20-minute neighbourhood… hopelessly vague and inappropriate scoring definitions.. These are the hallmarks of a standard template. Within this frame, an effort has been made to retrofit justifications of the authority’s preferred solution. Arguments such as surplus over plan and ease of implementation which are not declared as scoring criteria (and in the case of implementation has been ruled out by the template) are imported. The preferred option is allowed to have a little help from another option – a licence not allowed to any other. And a collection of unreasonable options are introduced, presumably because a close analysis of just two – Option 1 and Option 2 – would throw unwelcome light on where the best option is to be found.
What should the authority do? Unfortunately, the lack of a proper appraisal undermines the credibility of the whole plan.These failings cannot be remedied by the addition of paragraphs here and there, and deletions of the embarrassing contradictions. If the authority wishes to adopt the principles of the 20-minute neighbourhood – and it says it does – then a new appraisal should build those principles into the appraisal, its spatial options and its metrics. What would emerge is a preference which focuses on a redesignated Option 1, supplemented by the development of urban centres, including, where appropriate, urban extensions as described in the TCPA guide.
Appendix D
Character of the Landscape
In assessing how character of the landscape is treated in the creation of a local plan, we have to look at the overarching strategy; the way landscape is treated in determining the preferred option; and finally the relationship between a particular site selection (confusingly also known as a policy) and the policies proposed in the plan. We have already looked at the preferred strategic option in the sustainability appraisal in Appendix C. In this appendix we provide
- Comments on the authority’s declared strategy
- An objective assessment of the character of the landscape
- Our own scoring of DPSC3 against the criteria used in the sustainability appraisal
- Our assessment of DPSC3 in the context of the declared policies.
- The Planning Authority’s Strategy
One of the three priority themes of the plan, based on the objectives in the NPPF, is “to protect and enhance our natural, built and historic environment”. Six strategic objectives underpin this theme (Page 27 of the plan): we discuss them below. At a greater level of detail, the plan contains nine policy themes, of which four are directly relevant (Sustainability; Natural Environment and Green Infrastructure; Countryside; and Transport) and one indirectly (Built Environment – because, as policy DPC1 says, “Development proposals will need to demonstrate they are informed by landscape character”).
Some of these themes and objectives will be common to any plan, but, given the rural nature of Mid Sussex, they assume a particular importance. The nearest the plan comes to a direct strategic declaration about the countryside can be found in the preamble to DPC1 (Page 89): “The primary objective of the District Plan with respect to the countryside is to secure its protection by minimising the amount of land taken for development and preventing development that does not need to be there”.
Alongside this statement we should put the fact that the current plan proposes that well over half of the houses to be built will be on green fields – an immediate and obvious violation of their strategic intent, and at odds with the latest version of the NPPF, which signals that high density developments can be rejected because of their impact on the character of the landscape.
2. Description of the Landscape
We have drawn on the assessment and landscape description provided by Inspector Bust in her report dismissing the appeal against the proposed development of 120 dwellings alongside Albourne village in October 2023 (APP/D3830/W/23/3319542). There are of course significant differences in the sites themselves – DPSC3 is not next to a conservation area, and is almost twenty times the size of the development which was the subject of the appeal – but our focus is on the broader landscape in which DPSC3 sits, which is the same.
The inspector found that the site was not a valued landscape under para 174a of the NPPF, but should be recognised and valued for its intrinsic character and beauty under 174b. The landscape is described in assessments at district, county and national level (A Landscape Character Assessment for Mid Sussex, the WSCC document A Strategy for the West Sussex Landscape, and Natural England NCA 121 – the Low Weald, respectively). We will quote her summary description (para 16):
“The site is located within an agricultural and pastoral rural landscape which has a largely dispersed settlement pattern of small hamlets, ancient farmsteads and farmstead clusters. The patchwork pattern of fields is generally enclosed by hedgerows and/or trees which form small woodlands.The topography is undulating with ridges and vales. Whilst these features are not rare, they are important to the rural landscape character of the countryside in this location” (Our italics.)
Given the size of the proposed development, there can be no doubt about the severe impact it would have on this landscape. Walks and views would be disrupted for miles around and, unlike the development cited above, the dwellings are on such a scale that they could be seen from the South Downs vantage points at, for example, Devil’s Dyke and the Jack and Jill windmills. The ‘Hamlet’ component of DPSC3 would be within a mile of the curtilage of the National Trust holding on the South Downs, and light pollution would seriously damage the basis of the Dark Skies award the area currently has.
3. The Assessment of DPSC3
We have described the shortcomings in the appraisal process which tries to justify the choice of Option 2 as the preferred option in Appendix C. The assessment of DPSC3 itself can be found in table B-45. We have set out below those scores and our own, with commentary

The authors of the appraisal caution against a simple process of addition and subtraction, but the gap between these two appraisals is easy to see.
4. DPSC3: Environmental Objectives and Relevant Policies
Environmental Objectives
No.1.
To create and maintain easily accessible high quality green and blue infrastructure.. What we expect will happen is that a development of the size of DPSC3 will create disproportionately large demands for infrastructure. These will not be met in full by the developer, and so the local area will be short changed. The only direct evidence for this contention which can be provided will be after the event; but we can point to a litany of examples where the desire to preserve housing numbers wins out over the views of the community.
No.2
To promote development of 20-minute neighbourhoods. There is no evidence these have ever been successful, or could be successful, in a rural setting such as DPSC3.
No.3
To promote development that….retains the separate identity and character of villages and prevents coalescence. See our comments under the coalescence policy below.
No.4
To protect valued landscapes. The site of DPSC3 is such a landscape – see Inspector Bust’s comments above – and it will be destroyed.
No.6
…to provide efficient and sustainable transport networks. If this means paths and cycleways (the County Council and Highways England are responsible for the road network) a tortuous track to Burgess Hill will neither be efficient nor sustainable, because it will not be used as a replacement for car travel. Note also the TCPA commentary on the dangerous nature of roads in rural areas (quoted in the last bullet point, section 5.4, of our main submission). We would also reference here Economy N.8, which aspires to a reduction in the need for commuting. The proximity of DPSC3 to the A23 is precisely why potential residents will choose it.
Relevant Policies
Now we turn to the policies. DPSC3 will absolutely breach, or require significant mitigation to achieve minimum compliance with, the following policies relating to character of the landscape.
DPS1. Climate change. Development of DPSC3 will concrete over the countryside, reducing carbon capture, and promoting commuting.
DPS4. Flood Risk and Drainage. The site of DPSC3 and its wider environment have benefited from its own natural drainage systems. The equilibrium has been overthrown by ill-considered development in recent decades which has shown that solutions must be engineered-in at significant cost and further damage to the environment.
DPN1/2. Biodiversity, Geodiversity and Nature Recovery. It is impossible to argue that there will not be damage to the environment if DPSC3 proceeds. As was found in the Croudace appeal, managed parkland is not a substitute for a rural landscape and natural habitats. The 20% biodiversity gain is meaningless in landscape which requires no improvement: in this location the gap between a 20% gain and the damage done could not be closed by initiatives in the area itself, leading to negotiated, hypothetical gain elsewhere at the local community’s expense.
DPN3. Green and Blue Infrastructure. DPSC3 will cause damage which this policy can only try to limit.
DPN4. Trees Woodland and hedgerows. DPSC3 will cause major damage.
DPN6. Pollution. DPSC3 will cause major damage
DPN7. Noise Impacts. DPSC3 will cause major damage
DPN8. Light Impacts and Dark Skies. DPSC3 will degrade the International Dark Sky Reserve
DPN9. Air Quality. DPSC3 will cause major damage to the current air quality as a result of additional traffic.
DPC1. Protection and Enhancement of the Countryside. The policy states: “Development will be permitted in the countryside… provided it maintains or where possible enhances the quality of the rural and landscape character of the district.” It is hard to imagine a site allocation further from this ambition than DPSC3.
DPC2. Preventing Coalescence. The policy lacks useful guidance. We propose the definition used in the recently-published Horsham local plan: “Even where there is countryside between settlements, the presence of buildings, signs and other developments along roads prevent the sense of leaving a settlement and passing through the countryside. At night, various forms of artificial lighting can also lead to a sense of continuous urbanisation.” If this is applied to DPSC3, it is clear that the development would, ironically, have to produce an urbanised corridor joining the two villages to make them safe for active travel, thereby destroying their separate identities and integrity.
DPC5. Setting of the South Downs National Park. The policy states, “Development within land that contributes to the characteristics of the South Downs National Park will only be permitted where it does not detract from or cause detriment to the visual and special “qualities (including dark skies…of the National Park, and the views outlook and aspect into and out of the National Park, by virtue of the development’s location, scale, form or design.” DPSC3 is close to the park boundary and can be seen from local viewpoints in the Park.
DPT1. Placemaking and Connectivity. Since the planning authority claims DPSC3 will be developed as a 20-minute neighbourhood, they have made no serious effort to address compliance with this policy. But, as we know, DPSC3 will have the characteristics of a commuter estate, not a neighbourhood.
DPT3. Active Travel. As a commuter estate within a ten minute drive of Burgess Hill and without an acceptable range of shops for everyday life, residents will not take a 30 minute plus cycle ride as their default choice. Cycle tracks and paths may be created within the development, but the encircling roads are too dangerous for most cyclists, and are totally unsuitable for pedestrians